2009-08-28

Saturday night, August 29 - protest vigil & candle-lit parade at Sheikh Jarrah

Gush Shalom

On Saturday night, August 29, 2009, at 21:00, a protest vigil and candle-lit parade will take place in the Sheikh Jarrah Neighbourhood in East Jerusalem, to protest the eviction of the Palestinian Hannoun and Gawi families from their homes, which were then taken over by Israeli settlers. The families have since then been living in tents erected outside their occupied homes. Israeli and Palestinian demonstrators will demand to rectify this blatant injustice and return the families to their homes. Among the organizing groups are Rabbis For Human Rights and Gush Shalom and the Committee Against House Demolitions. The eviction of the Sheikh Jarrah families had been sharply condemned by the United States and the European Union.

Transportation: Tel Aviv – 19:50 Arlozorov St. Railway Station (former El Al Terminal) West Jerusalem 20:45 Parking lot, Liberty Bell Park (Gan Ha'Paamon)

In addition, Israeli organizers together with the families decided that every day between 16:00 and 18:00 all are welcome to visit and express solidarity.

Contact: Adam 054-2340749, Yehiel 050-2110639

The “Elders”, Jimmy Carter and Archbishop Desmond Tutu visit the Apartheid wall in Bil’in

International Solidarity Movement

Bil’in village, West Bank: Former US president Jimmy Carter, Mrs. Carter and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa visited the site of the Apartheid Wall on the land of the village of Bil’in.

The Carters and Archbishop Tutu came to Bil’in together with their colleagues from The “Elders” delegation, former Brazilian president Fernando Henrique Cardoso, former Norwegian prime minister Gro Brundtland, former Irish president and former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson, Indian human rights activist Ela Bhatt, and renowned businessmen Richard Branson and Jeff Skoll.

Former president Carter pointed to the land on the other side of the wall where the settlement of Modi’in Illit is being built: “This is not Israel; this is Palestine and settlements must be removed from Palestinian land so that justice will be restored in the area.”

Desmond Tutu encouraged the Palestinian activists: “ Just as a simple man named Ghandi led the successful non-violent struggle in India and simple people such as Rosa Parks and Nelson Mandela led the struggle for civil rights in the United States, simple people here in Bil’in are leading a non-violent struggle that will bring them their freedom. The South Africa experience proves that injustice can be dismantled.”

The “Elders” placed symbolic stones on the monument commemorating Bassem Abu Rahme, a non-violent activist who was shot dead on the 17th April 2009 while attempting to speak with Israeli soldiers during a non-violent demonstration. (A video can be seen on http://palsolidarity.org/2009/04/6185)

The Bil’in popular committee and their friends including Luisa Morgantini, the former vice president of the European Parliament, and Israeli activists welcomed the delegation and invited them to participate in Bil’in’s annual conference for non-violent popular resistance. The delegation met Raja Abu Rahme, the daughter of Adib Abu Rahme, a leading non-violent activist from Bil’in. Adib was arrested on 10th July during a non-violent demonstration and is being held in Ofer military prison (see: http://palsolidarity.org/2009/07/7652). Raja told them about her father’s arrest and about the night raid arrests that the Israeli military began in Bil’in on 23rd June 2009.

Bil’in will be holding its weekly demonstration tomorrow, on Friday, the 28th August at 1:00 PM. The Palestinian village of Bil’in has become an international symbol of the Palestinian popular struggle. For almost 5 years, its residents have been continuously struggling against the de facto annexation of more then 50% of their farmlands and the construction of the apartheid wall on it. In a celebrated decision, the Israeli Supreme court ruled on the 4 September 2007 that the current route of the wall in Bil’in was illegal and needs to be dismantled; the ruling however has not been implemented.

2009-08-27

“Liberation’s” Legal Limbo

by Felicity Arbuthnot


“Acts of injustice done
Between the setting and the rising sun
In history, lie like bones, each one.” (W.H. Auden and Christopher Isherwood. )

Shereen Nasser is petite, pretty, charming, has a BSc in Biomedical Sciences and an MSc in Medical Microbiology. She also has a steely determination. In work she loves, in love and married for little over eighteen months, she should have the world at her feet. Instead she is fighting it, taking on the might of the US and UK governments, in the face of stunning injustice – and facing slamming doors and vanishing legal norms at every turn.

In December 2007, Shereen (25) married Khadum Rida Al-Sarraj (29) in a ceremony in Dubai, due to the tortuous beaurocracy involved in obtaining Khadum a UK visa. They finally held their reception, at Shereen’s family home in Carshalton, outside London, in August 2008, relevant visa and spousal permission to reside in Britain, finally obtained. A joyous month was spent together planning their future. They bought a house – then parted for what was to be less than two months.

Mr Al-Sarraj is from Baghdad - as are Shereen Nasser’s parents, the couple met through Shereen’s aunt and Khadum’s sister, who were friends - where he had lived all his life, until it became too dangerous, and he moved to the relative safety of Erbil, in northern Iraq, in October 2006, to continue his specialised profession, selling pacemakers. He returned there to complete his contract – to finish in October 2008 - and give his employer, Jordan based Agmest Medical, time to select his replacement.

An expert on cardiac monitors, his thesis for his MSc at Baghdad’s College of Engineering at Nahran University, was the invention and documentation of a cardiac monitor which: “… can contribute significantly to more accurate CO (cardiac output) measurements as well as it being (a) simple and accurate CO meter.”

Khadum al-Sarraj left London for Erbil on 15th September last year – and vanished. For ten agonising days, amid conflicting stories, nothing was heard of him. Then his brother had a visit from a just-released former detainee, held one of the US gulags in Iraq, Camp Cropper, outside Baghdad - where Saddam Hussein was held until his lynching and his ailing, frail Deputy Prime Minster, Tareq Aziz, is still held, with others of the illegally overthrown government, who have so far escaped a mediaeval fate.

Khadum had been arrested on landing at Erbil airport - his passport taken - transferred to the American forces and incarcerated in Camp Cropper. He had asked a fellow inmate to alert his brothers. It transpires that the US military hold their randomly snatched detainees for forty days without either contacting, or allowing contact with relatives.Once alerted, his brothers in Baghdad approached the relevant US officials who, incredibly, says Shereen Nasser, initially denied he had even landed in Erbil. He had entered Liberation’s legal black hole, courtesy, the Land of the Free.

Gradually, the nightmare was unravelled.

In 2007, Khadum’s home in Baghdad was burgled. Amongst items taken, was his cardiac monitor - representing four years of meticulous, loving creation. When American troops raided a house in Baghdad, they found the monitor with a quantity of other stolen goods. It had eleven sets of fingerprints on, one of those were, of course, Khadum’s. America’s finest deemed it to be bomb-making equipment.

Those responsible for the other ten sets of fingerprints, seemingly, have never been traced.

“You never imagine it will happen to you. When you hear someone is a terrorist, you think there must be something to it – then this happens and you realise how many innocent must be caught up”, Ms Nasser commented quietly.

It fell to her, from London, after weeks of battling officialdom in the UK and Baghdad and praying for a positive outcome, to telephone her mother-in-law in Baghdad and tell her of the arrest. Khadum’s family had been at a loss as to how to break the news, telling her he was travelling on business. Khadum’s brother had been kidnapped in April 2007 and his brother-in-law two weeks later. They survived, but the ordeal had taken a terrible toll.

The outwardly calm Shereen Nasser, broke the news as carefully as she knew how, did all she could to reassure that a positive outcome was simply a matter of time, that all was in hand. She had the best legal representation, had amassed kilos (literally) of documentation from proof of residence, to academic records, proof of profession, the police reports of the burglary and every ancillary scrap of possibly pertinent material. “I think I reassured her. Then I put down the ‘phone and fell apart.”

Finally, on 23rd November Khadum’s wife, mother and brother visited him together. “We had just ten minutes face to face, then had to talk via prison ‘phones. We had so much to cram in, we kept cutting each other off, both trying to speak”, and feeling frustrated and restricted by the presence of strangers. “ I tried to keep emotions in check”, to be positive, but: “He had lost weight and his brother assessed he was ‘under a lot of stress’.” As well he might be.

Khadum was being interrogated weekly, questioning allegedly, frequently unrelated to the heart monitor he designed, or the charges laid against him. However, by the 9th December, he was hopeful and his spirits had risen. The case had been referred to an Iraqi Court and he had been told there was no real case against him, no evidence and he would be released. (Which surely begs the question, why continue holding him at all?)

The family finally managed to visit him again on 23rd February 2009 and learned that he had appeared in Court on 16th February, with just five minutes notice given to him. None of the painstakingly collected documents collected had been submitted, which included proof of his residency in Erbil, the police Reports of the burglary, his passport with his UK visa in it and spousal residence status, his Citizenship ID, or even the thesis on his remarkable invention. He had no lawyer. The Judge, however, passed no ruling and ordered the papers submitted to the Court.

In a supreme irony, inspite of holding Mr Al-Sarraj for so many months on farcical charges, the US military brought their own medical expert to Court, who confirmed that the cardiac monitor was exactly that.

In early April, having read the papers, the Judge declared that there was no case to answer, dismissed all charges against him and ordered that Mr al-Sarraj be released. At this point, he should, of course, have been released and again become a free man.

Nearly seven months later, he is still in Camp Cropper, his laptop with all his work on it is missing, as is his passport with the precious, hard-won visa and British right to remain in it. The US authorities claim they never had it. Mr Al-Sarraj says he saw it in the file they had, during the frequent, relentless interviews.

April also brought another visit from his wife, with more tumbling over words as they again tried to communicate, to catch up. Numerous photos of the two of them together were on his laptop, so she took all she had: “I have nothing else to give him. I have given him all my photos of us, I have none of us together now.”

During that visit she went to all the places in Baghdad he used to talk about, walking for miles, day after day, then wrote and to tell him of her visits and bring the places he loved closer to him. No letters ever come back. “Everyday seems like an eternity. Early on, people said the Americans keep people at least six months.” It is just short of a year, with legality ignored and mocked, every passing hour.

The house they bought had lain empty, waiting for his return, when they had planned to move in: the start of their life together. But security considerations finally forced her to take up residence there: “The one person I want to share all the big things with, I can’t. I can’t even share that I have moved in, as he’ll worry at my being alone.” And he has more than enough to worry over.

Shereen Nasser has received support from her M.P., Liberal Democrat, Tom Brake, who asked a question on the case in Parliament and went with her to the Iraqi High Commission. She had hopes, but they did not know of the case, in spite of the appointment being made through Mr Brake’s office. It must also be the only Embassy in London, where a country’s representative, equalling Ambassador, needs the services of an interpreter.

Her local branch of Amnesty and Cage Prisoners (http://www.cageprisoners.com) have urged that letters regarding the case, be written to the UK Foreign Secretary, David Miliband and the Prime Minister, Gordon Brown.

At a meeting over six weeks ago at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Minister Bill Rammell ( “voted very strongly” for the Iraq invasion, “voted very strongly against an investigation” in to the Iraq invasion: http://www.theyworkforyou.com) assured of all assistance, including help in Jordan, facilitating Mr al-Sarraj’s renewed visa. A week later he was moved to the Ministry of Defence, but a letter from the FCO., to Ms Nasser, which arrived on August 5th., reads in part:

(Our officials in Baghdad) “ … understand that Mr Al-Sarraj has been through the committee structure established under the US/Iraq security Agreement, which has established that no arrest warrants are outstanding for him. The US expects him to be released in Autumn 2009. They are not able to narrow this down further.” The FCO response to this publication was equally sanguine. Neither the American Embassy in London or Baghdad offered courtesy of any reply to our correspondence

Asked why, given the “sovereign Iraq’s” Court ruling of no case to answer, the door could not simply be opened and Mr Al-Sarraj walk free? Daniel Carey, of Iraq law experts, Public Interest Lawyers (http://www.publicinterestlawyers.co.uk) who acts for the couple, simply replied: “Exactly.”

On June 30th., the US and Iraq signed the State of Forces Agreement, a pact which includes the requirement that criminal charges must be laid against prisoners held for twenty four hours. That Mr al-Sarraj is innocent, has had all charges against him dismissed and is still held, would disgrace a despotic regime.

The Statue of Liberty seemingly stands for nothing.

Further, says Daniel Carey, this detention is a breach of international law, the UN Convention on Human Rights and the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which the US is a signatory.

Article 1 of the ICCPR guarantees: Protection of individuals’ physical integrity against execution, torture and arbitrary arrest

Article 2 is explicit as to: Procedural fairness in law, rule of law, rights upon arrest, trial, conditions and rights to a lawyer. Only the Iraqi Court, who certainly showed ‘procedural fairness’, comes out of this shameful saga with credit. The US authorities have, yet again in Iraq, fallen woefully short on all counts.

“The UK has a clear role in Iraq, in this case it is clearly in a strong position.There are no security problems with Khadum … the US has stated that it has no interest in him”, states Carey.

Ironically, as Mr Al-Sarraj remains in jail, according to the New York Times (17th August 2009) Iraq’s Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki has “extracted a promise” that a militia group which has killed both Iraqis and Americans, being held in US-run jails, be released, having apparently renounced such attacks.

Asaib Ahi al-Haq (League of Righteousness) is: “considered architect of an ambush which killed five US soldiers in Karbala in 2007. Four killed in cold blood after being taken prisoner.” The leader, Laith al-Khazali has already been released.

Further, on 7th August, Samantha Orobator (20) convicted of smuggling heroin and jailed for life in Laos, flew back to Britain (reportedly accompanied by the British Ambassador) after strenuous Foreign Office intervention.

In contrast, the FCO’s ‘strong case’ on behalf of Mr Al-Sarraj, appears to be remarkably under-exploited.

On September 16th, Iraq takes control of Camp Cropper. The release before the hand-over of an innocent man, is the one essential act of decency the United States and Britain can and must expedite with the utmost speed.

An unasked question and an unspoken fear hung between us when I met Shereen Nasser. I could not bring myself to broach it and finally telephoned the following day.

She answered instantly and very quietly. “Yes, I constantly fear he will be disappeared to Guantanamo …” So inexplicable is his continued detention. (Another being held in spite of his release being ordered by an Iraqi Judge last November, is Reuters cameraman, Ibrahim Jassim. Again, so much for Iraqi “sovereignty.”)

Last January, Khadum Al-Sarraj was to present a paper on his cardiac monitor, at the Third International Conference on Modeling, Simulation and Applied Optimization at the American University, Sharjah, U.A.E., entitled: “An Innovative Computer Based Module for Cardiac Output Determination Using Transthoracic Bioimedance Information Recent Improvements in the Mohonk Waspaa Templates.”

The invitation was the confirmation of his exceptional creation. He had been counting the days with delight and pride. As the Conference took place, he was, of course, in jail. He now says never wants to see his monitor again.

And: “No smoke without fire”? In this case there was not even smoke. How many more?

“Cherish pity, less you drive an angel from the door.” (Willliam Blake, 1757-1827.)

Australia's Aborigines request refugee status

CBC News

A group of 4,000 Australian Aborigines asked the United Nations to grant them refugee status Wednesday, saying that government-imposed measures to curb alcohol and sexual abuse in their communities have made them outcasts in their own country, according to Reuters.

Richard Downs, a spokesperson for the Alyawarra people in central Australia, made the request of James Anaya, the UN special rapporteur on indigenous human rights, who was on a fact-finding tour in Canberra.

Australia's former conservative government launched an initiative in 2007 to deal with widespread child sex abuse and chronic alcoholism in the remote outback.

The move included sending extra police, soldiers and medical teams to aboriginal communities. Alcohol and pornography were banned and welfare payments were revised so that they could only be spent on food, clothing and health care.

About 460,000 Aborigines live in Australia. Although only about two per cent of the population, they have disproportionately high rates of unemployment, drug abuse and domestic violence. Their life expectancy is 17 years shorter than that of other Australians.

Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, of the centre-left Australian Labor Party, said he has no plans to dismantle the controversial intervention but would review its operation.

Anaya's visit, the first-ever such UN fact-finding mission to Aborigine communities, which had long been opposed by Rudd's predecessor, is part of that review.

2009-08-26

Netanyahu's Swedish theatre and the reality of the occupation

by Adam Keller

For days the Israeli political establishment and mainstream media engaged in an unrestrained campaign of demonization of Sweden. Only after having already castigated Swedes as "antisemites" did mass circulation newspaper Yediot Aharonot take the elementary journalistic step of sending a reporter to check the facts. Ronny Shaked's Aug. 24 article revealed no organ harvesting horror - but showed quite clearly how such a story could emerge from the grim occupation reality.

It is an old story, going back seventeen years, the story of a young man named Bilal Ahmad Ghanem from the small West Bank village of Amatin. Ghanem was one of those which official Israel castigates as terrorists and their own people praise as freedom fighters. In the early 1990's he figured on the Israeli "wanted" list.

In May 1992 Israel was in the midst of a crucial elections campaign. Opposition leader Yitzchak Rabin was asking for the voters' mandate on a pledge to make peace with the Palestinians - a pledge he would eventually seriously try to implement and for which he would pay with his own life three and a half years later. All of that was part of a future, which Bilal Ahmad Ghanem would not live to see. On the night of May 13, 1992, Israeli hunters ambushed him outside his parents' home, and killed him on the spot with a bullet directly to the heart. This in itself excludes the possibility that Ghanem's organs were used for transplantation. It is an elementary medical fact that organs are taken from brain-dead patients whose heart is still beating.

There was not, and could not have been, a "harvesting of organs". But it is true that Ghanem's body was taken away, restored to the family only after a week, in which it evidently was subjected to an autopsy, to which the family did not consent nor was asked for consent. (In Israel itself, an autopsy is only performed with the consent of the family or by court order, but such rules do not apply in military-ruled territory). When at last the body was given back, the family was shocked to see a scar running from his neck down to his abdomen. They were not given much time to speculate, and nobody was there to answer questions. Soldiers on the spot urged them to get on with the funeral and disperse to their homes. A Swedish journalist made some photos of Ghanem's scarred body - arousing the ire of the soldiers, who promptly confiscated his camera. But he had managed to extract the film and throw it among the bushes. On the following day he returned, recovered the photos and recorded the angry and pained reactions of Ghanem's mother, who could not be expected to know or care about medical facts and the conditions where organ transplanting is or is not possible.

The photos and report were published in 1992 Sweden, without getting much attention. They were included as one of many items in an 2001 book on the situation in the Occupied Territories, to whose publication the Government of Sweden apparently contributed though it was unlikely to have closely and minutely supervised its contents. Again, not many people noticed or paid attention. And now it has surfaced again and became - seventeen years after the fact - the center of a raging storm.

Why resurrect this affair at exactly this time? Possibly because the mass killing of civilians in the recent Gaza war, which is an undoubted fact, has made also implausible Israeli atrocities seem plausible. But even so, a newspaper should have carefully checked its facts, and any doctor could have told them that this particular accusation could not be true. There had been a month ago an ugly case of illicit trade in organs for transplantation, in which the American citizens implicated happened to be Jewish. But linking this affair with the misconduct of the armed forces of Israel was an ugly and unacceptable analogy which the editors of "Aftonbladet" should have avoided. Still, there was no need for the Netanyahu Government to blow it up to a head-on confrontation between the two countries. Indeed, the leaders of the Jewish community in Sweden were far from pleased with the Israeli overreaction. But the Israeli government did not act out of concern for them. It had its own specific agenda for making the maximum noise.

Almost from the first day he assumed power, Netanyahu is under constant pressure from President Barack Obama to cease all settlement activity in the occupied territories. The fanatic hardliners in his cabinet call for Israel to defy all pressures, continue and extend the building of Jewish settlements and tell the Americans to go to hell. Deep in his heart Netanyahu might sympathize - but he knows well enough that such a course would be suicidal, and that it would be Israel which would get to hell in short order. Sweden is a convenient alternative target, which could be attacked with relative impunity. Moreover, Sweden - having the Presidency of European Union - has itself quite recently lodged a strong protest about the settlements and the expulsion of Palestinian families from their homes is the Sheikh Jarah Neighbourhood in East Jerusalem. It makes perfect sense for Netanyahu to try and put the Swedish government on the defensive.

The row also helps to divert the criticism on Netanyahu from inside his government coalition. Israel's historically-loaden ambivalent relation to Europe is a Pandora box easily opened.

On the one hand, Israelis like to think of themselves as belonging to Europe; on the other hand when encountering criticism, wild accusations of antisemitism immediately fly around and the history of the Second World War and the Holocaust is very selectively referenced.

Israelis are delighted that their country was admitted to the European Song Festival and that their football and basketball teams can participate in European championships. But the same people would not opt for Israel becoming subject to the authority of the European Human Rights Court in Strasbourg, and to have that court give the actions of the Israeli armed forces the kind of scrutiny it gave to the British army in North Ireland.

In today's Europe it is taken for granted that a democratic state is, by definition, "The State of All Its Citizens". The Israeli mainstream would like Israel to be accepted as a European State while rejecting any such definition and insisting that "A State of All Its Citizens" is a subversive and extremist idea where Israel is concerned.

The present confrontation with Sweden is the latest - and probably not the last - of such cases.

Written at the invitation of the Swedish weekly 'Efter Arbetet' for its Aug. 28 edition

Auction house defends Aboriginal stance


Sothebys auction house is defending its respect for Aborigines after withdrawing two controversial busts from sale.

Sothebys initially ignored calls from Aboriginal activists to pull the 1836 busts of Tasmanian Aboriginal leaders Woureddy and his wife Truganini.

The activists, led by lawyer Muchael Mansell, say the busts perpetuate the racist myth that Truganini was the last full-blood Tasmanian Aborigine, and denies the existence of the state's continuing indigenous community.

The busts' vendor decided just hours before the auction in Melbourne on Monday night to withdraw them from sale.

How settlements in the West Bank are creating a new reality, brick by brick

by Rory McCarthy

There is a hilltop east of Jerusalem with striking views down into Jericho, across the dry slopes of the West Bank and on to the Dead Sea. From the red ochre of the rock came the name Ma’ale Adumim, Hebrew for the Red Ascent.

Today it is a city of more than 30,000 people, with red-roofed apartment blocks, shopping malls, a public swimming pool and ancient olive trees sitting on neat roundabouts. A major highway runs down the hill, across the valley up into the centre of Jerusalem and beyond, connecting conveniently to Tel Aviv and the Mediterranean coast.

The rise of Ma’ale Adumim captures the success of Israel’s vast settlement project and the extent of the challenge posed to any future Palestinian state by the settlements and the often overlooked infrastructure of Israel’s occupation.

In March 1975 there was no Ma’ale Adumim. After Israel captured and occupied the West Bank in the 1967 war the site was earmarked as a an industrial park. A group of activist settlers from the Gush Emunim — the Bloc of the Faithful — arrived one morning and built a water tower and simple concrete hut. They were removed that day by soldiers, but in December that year the first settler families moved in for good. The city then grew exponentially.

The site is a compelling example of how infrastructure is used to extend Israel’s reach around and well beyond the settlement. Ma’ale Adumim’s buildings seem to cover one main hilltop, but the municipal area of the settlement is nearly 20 square miles, the size of Tel Aviv. Then there are the Israeli-built roads connecting Ma’ale Adumim with nearby smaller, satellite settlements, as well as a major highway running further east past Jericho and cutting across the West Bank until it reaches the Jordanian border. Israel is now building its steel and concrete West Bank barrier around Ma’ale Adumim and the other smaller settlements, effectively incorporating them on the “Israeli” side and by doing so taking another 24 square miles of the West Bank.

To the north and south of Ma’ale Adumim stretches a swath of land that is a closed military area, where access for Palestinians is prohibited. Just across the valley is an area known as E1, where hillsides have been terraced, a police station built and roads laid in preparation for a further 3,500 settler housing units, as well as offices, sports centres, 10 hotels and a cemetery. Other land nearby is designated Area C, a creation of the Oslo accords of the early 1990s, meaning Israel has full administrative and security control. In effect that means no Palestinians can build.

So while the apartment blocks of Ma’ale Adumim seem to have a limited though strategic footprint, Israel’s actual control extends much further and deeper into the West Bank. It is a pattern repeated again and again across the West Bank.

None of this should be a surprise. It becomes quickly obvious to those who have ever travelled through the West Bank. There are also countless reports from the UN, the World Bank and Israeli and Palestinian groups documenting the reality on the ground.

Then there are the often striking admissions from within the establishment. Two years ago Haggai Alon, an adviser to the then Israeli defence minister Amir Peretz, told Ha’aretz that Israel was using the West Bank barrier to prevent the creation of a Palestinian state and that the Israel Defence Force was carrying out an “apartheid policy” in emptying the city of Hebron of Palestinians, setting up roadblocks across the West Bank and co-operating with settlers. “The actual policy of the IDF, especially in recent years, is creating profound changes that threaten to make it impossible to leave the West Bank,” Alon said. “We cannot allow the executive ranks to get us stuck in an irreversible binational situation.”

Or look at what Ariel Sharon, former prime minister and self-described pragmatic Zionist, wrote of his post-1967 plans for the Palestinian territories and the importance of control: “What I thought was that, regardless of whatever political solution the future might hold, we would have to keep the high controlling terrain — to protect and give depth to the tiny heartland along the coast, to be able to defend ourselves on the line of the river Jordan, and to secure Jerusalem as the capital of the Jewish people forever. That was an indispensable, necessary minimum.”

In the 42 years since Israel captured the land, its control has grown apace. There are 149 settlements, together with at least another 100 “outposts” — smaller settlements unauthorised even by the Israeli government. Nearly 500,000 Jewish settlers now live in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. In order to protect the settlements and, as Israel argues, to impose law and order, came a series of what the UN calls “multi-layered restrictions”: checkpoints, trenches, earth mounds, road gates, roadblocks and a large restricted road network which Palestinians cannot use. Put together they seriously inhibit ordinary life for millions of Palestinians.

Then there is the West Bank barrier, begun at the height of the violence of the second intifada and today nearly 60% complete. When finished it will be 450 miles long, running inside the West Bank for 86% of its length.

It effectively attaches many of the major settlements to Israel and in doing so places nearly 10% of the West Bank and East Jerusalem on the “Israeli” side. When finished it will leave 35,000 Palestinians living in “closed areas” cut off from the rest of the West Bank and caught between the 1949 armistice line and the barrier.

Added to that are the large nature reserves and military closed areas, which Palestinians cannot enter and which are mainly in the Jordan Valley or near the Dead Sea. There are also 48 Israeli military bases. Beyond that, Israel has full control over Area C, which makes up nearly two-thirds of the West Bank. Planning restrictions are tight: 94% of building permit applications have been refused between 2000 and 2007, according to the UN. Today there are around 3,000 pending demolition orders across the West Bank.

Instead, the Palestinians are confined to their fragmented urban areas, often behind checkpoints and where talk of a future contiguous, viable Palestinian state seems ever more remote. The effect of this political geography is so striking that even George Bush, who was perhaps the US president most supportive of Israel, was moved early last year to say of a future Palestine: “Swiss cheese isn’t going to work when it comes to the outline of a state.”

Others are more direct. In their study Lords of the Land, Idith Zertal and Akiva Eldar, an Israeli academic and a journalist, write: “The Jewish settlement, at God’s command and at the government’s will, has thus caused continuing and extensive damage to the basic human rights of the Palestinians who live in the territories, among them the rights to personal liberty, freedom of movement, and property; it has also thwarted any possibility for the realisation of the collective rights of those who lived in the territory before the intrusion of the Israeli forces, such as the right to national self-determination, including statehood.”